THE ANDHRA DEMAND
By Desabhakta Konda Venkatappayya
THE problem of Andhra Province is a long standing one; its beginnings may be traced to the great agitation against the partition of Bengal which convulsed the whole of India from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin. The principles enunciated by Lord Hardinge, the Governor-General of India, in his Despatch, and the statements issued by other statesmen of the day justifying the annulment of the partition, the re-union of the Bengali speaking divisions into one Province and the separation of the Bihari speaking area from Bengal, appealed to the imagination of the Andhras and filled their minds with an ambition for a separate Province. The Andhra Movement was the outcome of this aspiration.
A long period of thirty-five years has passed since the demand for the Andhra Province was made for the first time at the Andhra Conference held at Bapatla, Guntur District. This demand has gone on unremittingly all these long years. Many leading personalities in Andhra who had joined enthusiastically in the agitation for the Province have passed away.
Almost every year during this long period, conferences were held and resolutions demanding the creation of Andhra Province were passed and submitted to Government. The agitation was based on the general principle of redistribution of Provinces in India on the basis of language and culture. Along with the agitation for the Andhra Province, the Andhras were also advocating the reorganisation of the Provinces in India. A pamphlet designated the “Redistribution of Provinces on Linguistic and Cultural, Basis” written by Dr. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, was published and widely distributed.
In 1917 when Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford visited Madras for enquiry regarding the New Reforms, a deputation consisting of leading men from the different Districts in Andhra under the leadership of the late Nyapati Subba Rau Pantulu waited upon them and presented a Memorandum urging the necessity of redistribution of Provinces in India and also the creation of Andhra Province in particular. As a result of this deputation a provision was introduced in the Government of India Act, 1935, that the Local Legislatures may pass Resolutions for the creation of Linguistic Provinces and have them accepted by the Government.
The question of Andhra Province was also taken up by the Legislature in Madras more than once, and in 1938, when the Congress Government was in power, a Resolution moved for the creation of the Andhra, Tamilnad, Karnataka, and Kerala Provinces was accepted on behalf of the Government by the then Prime Minister, Sri C. Rajagopalachariar. He then quoted, in support of the resolution, the following remarks of the Statutory Commission:
“For those who speak the same language and form a compact, self-contained area, so suited and endowed as to be able to support its existence as a separate Province, there is no doubt that the use of common speech is a strong and natural basis for provincial individuality. But it is not the only test. Race, religion, economic interests, geographical contiguity, due balance between country and town, between coast and interior may all have to be relevant. The most important of all principles for practical purposes is the largest possible measure of general agreement on the changes proposed, both on the side of the area which is gaining and on the side that is losing advantage.”
Sri C. Rajagopalachariar added: “Judged by every one of the tests including the later portion, judging the question on everyone of these ideal separately and as a whole, the claim of the Andhra Province stands good.” Referring to the conditions detailed by the Statutory Commission, he further remarked: “On all these points, there is no cause for opposing the claim for a separate Andhra Province.” Thus there can be no better authoritative pronouncement in favour of the Andhra Movement for a Province.
A quotation from the Indian Statutory Commission (Vol. 1, page 55) will be specially relevant to the main question, as it pronounces an emphatic opinion on the division of Madras Presidency into distinct linguistic areas:
“Madras may be divided into several areas according to the predominance of particular languages. The principal languages are Tamil and Telugu which are spoken by 18 and 16 millions respectively. Malayalam is a language of over 3 millions in the Indian States of Travancore and Cochin and the adjoining British District of Malabar, and Canarese is spoken in the Districts bordering on Mysore and the Bombay Presidency, while in the extreme north-east of the Province there are several Oria speaking areas. These linguistic differences have during recent years assumed considerable political importance…With the movement of linguistic amalgamation we shall have occasion to deal elsewhere. The demand for the formation of Andhra or Telugu Province which was put forward 17 years ago at a conference of Telugu speaking Districts has been persistent for many years and has now become an important political issue. It has on two occasions in recent years become the subject of formal debate in the Madras Legislature, which has by a fairly large majority endorsed the proposal for the constitution of a separate Andhra Province. The social changes in this Province are of no less importance than the linguistic and they have already exercised a profound influence on the political situation and the grouping of the parties.”
Long before the question was taken up by the Legislatures, the Andhras had appealed to the Congress for the separation of the Andhra Districts from the Madras Province, and in the year 1917 the Congress recognised the disadvantages arising from the clubbing of the Telugu speaking areas with those of other languages in this single Province of Madras. But owing to the opposition of some of the leaders of the South, the A.I.C.C. constituted the Telugu Districts into what they were pleased to call, the ‘Andhra Congress Circle,’ for the purpose of carrying on Congress work independently of the Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Kerala. In this connection, we have gratefully to acknowledge the efforts made by the late Sri Nyapati Subba Rau Pantulu and the great support given by Sri Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak who cut short the opposition of the Tamil leaders in the Subjects Committee by saying: “Why do you come in their way and not allow them to work for themselves?” Immediately after the constitution of this Andhra Congress Circle, the Andhra Provincial Congress Committee was formed and commenced to function, having separated itself from the Madras Provincial Congress Committee.
However, the Andhras were not satisfied with this but carried on continuously the agitation for the Province, urging at the same time the necessity of reorganising Provinces in India on a linguistic basis. Later, the wisdom of the movement in its full significance was accepted by the Congress, and in 1920, when Mahatma Gandhi took the management of Congress affairs into his hands, the Provinces in India were all reorganised on a linguistic basis, and the Andhra Province thus came to be recognised by the Congress as a separate unit working along with other Provinces of India in all matters relating to the Congress.
The Andhra Province would have been an accomplished fact several years back like Orissa and Sind but for the boycott of the Simon Commission by the Andhras, as directed by the Congress. Everywhere in Andhra, the Commission was presented with black flags accompanied by the slogan, ‘Simon, go back.’ However, they looked forward to the day when India obtained her independence and their aspiration for a separate Province would be realised.
After the declaration of Independence, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, speaking about the creation of Linguistic Provinces in the Constituent Assembly, is reported to have said that whatever may be the case of other Provinces, the question of Andhra Province stood on a different footing, meaning to say that it has prior claims. Dr. Ambedkar, the Minister for Law in the Central Government, has also advocated the creation of the Andhra Province under Sec. 93 of the Government of India Act of 1935, even before the new Constitution for India is formed. These and other similar statements of other leaders confirmed the hope in the minds of the Andhras that they would soon be granted the Province and be left free to develop their resources and secure a status of equality with other Provinces in India. But the appointment of the Linguistic Provinces Commission to tour through the country and enquire into the desirability of the creation of Provinces on a linguistic basis has chilled the expectations of the Andhras, particularly because their, claim for a separate Province has been classed along with those of other Provinces and brought back to the stage of preliminary enquiry, not withstanding the fact that the question of Andhra Province has already been discussed threadbare many times and approved by leaders of thought and status in the country and even responsible bodies like the Legislatures.
Again, even before the Commission prepared and submitted their report, some of the leaders have come forward with adverse criticism while others suggested the postponement of the question to some distant date. Pandit Nehru is reported to have stated that the problem of creation of new provinces on a linguistic basis involves many intricacies requiring calm consideration, which is possible only after the numerous complicated situations now facing the Government are overcome and more peaceful conditions are established in the country. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Deputy Prime Minister, seems to have advocated the putting off of the question for a period of ten years. Again, Mr. Munshi, the erstwhile Agent-General in Hyderabad, as re- ported in the press, has indulged in harsh criticism of the movement itself calling it ‘linguism’ and even urging it to be fought against as ‘Hitlerism,’ ‘Fascism’ and ‘Racialism.’ There are yet others who are arguing against the movement, advancing the plea of provincialism and separatism.
These criticisms are based upon groundless apprehensions that the creation of Provinces on a linguistic basis would militate against national unity and ultimately lead to the disintegration of India. It is too late in the day to discuss this aspect of the problem, as it was raised and answered time and again since the days of the agitation against the partition of Bengal.
Lord Hardinge, after laying down the conditions for the creation of the New Provinces of Bengal observed: “The scheme for satisfying these conditions was to reunite the five Bengali speaking divisions and form them into a Province to be administered by a Governor in Council.” Then referring to the Biharis he said:
“We are satisfied that it is in the highest degree desirable to give the Hindi speaking people included in the Province of Bengal a special administration. These people have hitherto been unequally yoked with the Bengalis and have never therefore a fair opportunity for developing. There has moreover been a marked awakening in Bihar in recent years and a strong belief has grown up among Biharis, that Bihar will never develop until it is dissociated from Bengal. That belief will, unless a new remedy is round, give rise to agitation in the near future, and the present is an admirable opportunity to carry out, on our own initiative, a thoroughly sound and much deserved change.”
From the above remarks it will be seen that, in the opinion of Lord Hardinge language and race constitute vital factors for the up-lift and unity of the people.
Again Sir Bamfylde Fuller, Lt. Governor of Bengal, had expressed the same view when he wrote:
“It would have been well for the country had the division into Provinces for purposes of Government followed the lines marked by race and language, so as to reinforce the sympathy which arises from similarity of feeling of pride in the local Government. The existing administrative divisions are so heterogeneous as to have directly contrary affect to the growth of national sentiment.”
He adds that “the nearest approach to national sentiment in India is that which springs from language.”
In this connection it is relevant to refer to the formation of the Madras Province which has no relation to considerations of either the unity of language, race, history, or tradition. It is a mechanical aggregate of territories, added one to the other in the process of acquisition by the British through a long period extending from 1611, when some British traders established a Settlement in Masulipatam, and ending with the completion of the acquisition of the entire area now comprising the Province by the Military occupation of the country under the Nawab of Kurnool in 1833 on the plea of maladministration. The Province thus constituted has in it a conglomerate of four main languages, Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam, and Kanarese, spoken by four different peoples, occupying four different areas in it. The evil consequences of bringing together people speaking different languages are numerous. To quote but one instance, the confusion of languages in the Legislature in Madras may be referred to. The members ignorant of English do not understand the speeches made in English, in which language practically the entire proceedings are conducted, and the speeches made by these members in their mother-tongue cannot be followed by others. This pathetic condition of the members is a mockery of democracy.
Further, the Madras Province, as it is, is unwieldy on account of the variety of populations living in it, and the conflicting interests to be attended to. The elaborate schemes, both agricultural and industrial, to be undertaken for the economic development call for the immediate division of the Province into separate units convenient for efficient administration. Therefore the claim of the Andhras for a separate Province is based both on justice and expediency. Again, the question is asked whether the Andhra Province can find revenues adequate to maintain the administration. No doubt need be entertained on the subject as the financial resources of the tract, even as they now stand, will not fail to meet the cost of administration. Moreover, immense are the possibilities resulting from the expansion of the resources hitherto neglected. The great rivers of the Andhra Desh, the vast fertile plains, mines, and forests, constitute the potential wealth of the Province which is almost inexhaustible. The enthusiasm and interest of the people, born of the pride in the new Province, will supply the talent and energy necessary for the launching of schemes for the development of the resources. And these when completed would enhance the financial credit of the Province and would enable the Government to undertake progressive measures for the material and moral advancement of the people.
As to the criticism that the creation of new Provinces fosters the spirit of provincialism and separatism, it has to be pointed out that such a spirit is not after all to be despised. Sir Thomas Holderness expressed the view that “the provincial spirit, rightly understood and properly cultivated, is not only far removed from but positively helpful to the growth of national life and to the development of the national idea.” Besides, the natural law of progress and evolution is from the lower to the higher sphere of life, first the pupil in the school, then the student in the college, first the citizen in his own country, then the citizen of the world. Hence the experiences of provincial life are but a training ground for the development of national sentiment. The sentiment of Nationality in India has been built upon permanent factors such as the magnificence of her natural environment and her wonderful art, history, and civilisation which have stood the test of ages and cannot be effected by the creation of Provinces on a linguistic basis. Provinces are, after all, but parts of the Indian Dominion and the progress and strength of each part means the progress and strength of the whole, even as the strength of each link in the chain means the strength of the entire chain.
A new question has come for consideration, viz., what should be the language of administration in the Provinces to be newly formed. Dr. Ambedkar is reported to have suggested, in his Memorandum to the Linguistic Provinces Commission, that the creation of these Provinces should be on the condition that Hindi should be made the language of administration in each Province! The same idea seems to underlie the criticism by Mr. Munshi when he said that the creation of Linguistic Provinces would raise the provincial languages in rivalry to the national language. Both of them seem to think that, unless Hindi is made the language of administration in the Provinces, the development of national unity and the strength and influence of the Central Government will be greatly endangered. But this opinion is based upon a misconception of the place to be given to the national language in the life and economy of the Provinces, and it also ignores the value and importance of the provincial language. That there should be one common language for all India is an established proposition, but even the sponsors of this proposition never intended that the common language should take the place of the provincial language or obstruct its development. Admittedly, the purpose of the common language is only to facilitate communication between the peoples of various Provinces, and there is no possibility of any rivalry between this and the provincial languages, so long as it is confined to its limited purpose and no attempt is made to have it override the legitimate province of any of the provincial languages or usurp its function.
The suggestion that Hindi should be made the language of administration in the Province is in violation of the fundamental principle of democracy and frustrates the very object of redistribution of Provinces on a linguistic and cultural basis.
The principles of democracy demand that even a common man in the village must be given the fullest freedom to play his part in the administration with the full consciousness of his own duties and responsibilities and to offer intelligent cooperation. It is therefore indispensable that the provincial language should be made the language of administration in each Province. To make Hindi the language of administration in the Provinces is to install it in a place of importance and dignity, which English occupies in the country at present. It means that Hindi like English will have to be taught in schools and colleges as a compulsory subject of study for all examinations. Thus the importance and attraction which Hindi gains will for ever bar the progress and development of provincial languages, for the people will lose interest in their mother-tongue and neglect the same in their effort to secure proficiency in Hindi. The common man, who is not expected to gain higher knowledge of Hindi, will be compelled to remain where he is, being unable to take part in the administration of the Province.
Besides, so long as the provincial languages are not made the languages of administration in the Provinces, the growth and development of democratic institutions in them will be very much handicapped. Hence it is improper to attempt to force upon the people of the Provinces, to the extent of their own mother-tongue being consigned to a place of insignificance and denying it the place of honour and importance due to it.
Again, as regards the argument that the present time is inopportune for the creation of new Provinces, as it involves the solution of numerous intricate problems, it may be observed that, in the first place, the question does not appear to be so complicated that it cannot be decided by ordinary investigation carried on by persons commanding the confidence of the public. In extraordinary cases, where opposing interests create intricacies, the dispute may be solved either through arbitration or by referendum.
It must be said that the problem of Andhra Province does not present any such insurmountable difficulty. The most easy thing to do is to immediately constitute the eleven Telugu speaking Districts in Andhra Desh into a Province, and take up later at a convenient time the consideration of their claims for the contiguous areas beyond the boundaries of these Districts. To put off the question to any distant date is highly unreasonable. The consequence of any postponement will be the obstruction of the free growth of democratic institutions in the Province; it will hinder the development of its resources to an indefinite time. The people will have to suffer, as hitherto, all the losses and discomforts due to inefficient administration. The present conditions of administration in the Province bear evidence to the helplessness of the Andhras. In these days of democracy numbers count and so the members representing Andhra in the Legislatures will always be outvoted by the superior number of Tamil and other areas. The chances of carrying on any measure conducive to the interests of the Andhras are very limited. Preference is always given to measures that serve the interests of the people of the South. Such has been the state of things for many years now. The Andhras there- fore cannot submit to this intolerable situation any longer. And so they demand the immediate creation of an Andhra Province. I earnestly hope that, when the Province becomes an accomplished fact, the Andhras would not fall behind any other Province in India and will faithfully adopt the ideals set before us by Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Indian Nation.
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